This study explored the interaction between the spatial distribution of attention during inhibition of return (IOR) and different levels of flanker interference in congenitally deaf subjects as compared with hearing subjects. Color (Experiment 1) and alphanumeric (Experiment 2) flanker interference effects were differentiated into the pre-response and the response levels. The spatial distribution of attention was manipulated through IOR. Subjects were asked to either make color or letter/digit discriminations to the central targets or detect the abrupt-onset peripheral targets. Deaf subjects were significantly faster than hearing subjects at detecting peripheral targets irrespective of the cue validity, while the two groups had comparable sizes of IOR. In the central discrimination tasks, deaf subjects showed significant response level, but not pre-response level, flanker effects irrespective of the type of stimuli and the spatial location of the flanker. For hearing subjects, however, spatial attention interacted with the pre-response and response flanker effects in different ways. While flankers at the cued location caused interference effects at the response level and facilitatory effects at the pre-response level, those at the uncued location caused different effects depending on the type of stimuli. Moreover, increasing the peripheral attention for hearing subjects, by increasing the proportion of peripheral detection trials, made hearing subjects behave like deaf subjects. These results demonstrate that deaf people possess enhanced peripheral attentional resources as compared with hearing people. The spatial distribution of attention modulates mainly the resolution of the pre-response flanker interference in hearing people, but affects neither the pre-response nor the response level interference in deaf people.

The role of perceptual load in selective attention to multidimensional objects was investigated by independently manipulating the load along the task-relevant and the task-irrelevant dimensions in the central search array, which was flanked by congruent, incongruent, or neutral peripheral distractors. The relative bottom-up perceptual saliency of these dimensions in capturing attention was manipulated between experiments. When the task-relevant dimension was the color of the letter and the task-irrelevant dimension was the visual shape of the letter (Experiment 1), manipulation of the letter shape perceptual load had no impact upon the pattern of congruency effects in responding to the color, i.e., smaller congruency effects under higher color perceptual loads and larger congruency effects under lower color perceptual loads. When the task-relevant dimension was the shape of the letter and the task-irrelevant dimension was the color of the letter (Experiment 2), there were no congruency effects in responding to the letter shape under high color perceptual loads irrespective of the letter shape loads. When only the target and the flanker were colored whereas the distractors in the central array were not (Experiment 3), the taskirrelevant color information reduced or eliminated the impact of letter shape perceptual load on the congruency effects in responding to the letter shape. These findings suggested that selective attention to multidimensional objects follows the general principles suggested by the perceptual load theory, but the bottom-up perceptual saliency plays a primary role in the distribution of attentional resources over objects and dimensions.

Previous studies have demonstrated that verbs violating selectional constraints of their arguments elicit N400 effects in the event-related potentials (ERPs) in sentence comprehension. The present study examined brain responses to verbs violating semantic constraints specified by syntactic structures (i.e., phrasal constructions), contrasting them with those elicited by lexical–semantic violations between verbs and their arguments. The construction-based semantic violations gave rise to a posterior N400, while the lexicalbased semantic violations produced a much stronger N400 with a broader scalp distribution. These findings suggested that the integration of verb meaning with prior sentence context is influenced not only by semantic features of preceding content words with which the verb co-occurs, but also by semantic properties of the syntactic structure in which the verb appears. This study provides online evidence supporting the constructionist approaches to language, which claim that syntactic structures may have their own (abstract) meanings, independent of lexical meanings of their constituent content words. © 2007 Elsevier B. V. All rights reserved.

An ERP experiment was conducted to explore semantic and syntactic processes as well as their interplay in Chinese sentence comprehension. Participants were auditorily presented with Chinese ba sentences, which were either correct, semantically incorrect, syntactically incorrect, or both semantically and syntactically incorrect. The syntactic violation, which was created by eliminating the object-noun phrase from a preposition-object phrase structure, elicited an early starting anterior negativity which merged into a sustained negativity over anterior sites and a temporally limited centro-parietal negativity. The semantic violation elicited an early starting N400 effect. The combined violation in which the syntactic phrase structure violation and the semantic violation were crossed elicited an early staring sustained anterior negativity similar to the pure syntactic effect, and a centroparietal negativity which was more negative than those of the syntactic condition and the semantic condition. No P600 was obtained neither for the syntactic nor for the combined condition. The results suggest that the syntactic processes (at about 50 ms) appear earlier than the semantic processes (at around 150 ms). They are independent from each other in the early time window (150–250 ms) but interact in a later processing phase (250–400 ms) during Chinese ba sentence comprehension. The broadly distributed negativity, which occurred during the N400 latency range observed in the three violation conditions, is thought to reflect thematic integration processes in the sentence-final position. © 2005 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.

During communication, speakers and listeners need the mechanisms of executive control to organize thoughts and actions along internal goals. Speakers may use executive functions to select the right word over competing alternatives to refer to the concept in mind. Listeners may use executive functions to coordinate the outputs of multiple linguistic processes to reach a coherent interpretation of what others say. Bilinguals may use executive functions to control which language is in use or to switch from one language to another. The control mechanisms recruited in language processing may be similar to these recruited in perception and attention, supported by a network of frontal, parietal and sub-cortical brain structures. Here we review existing evidences regarding the involvement of domain-general executive control in language processing. We will explain how executive functions are employed to control interference in comprehension and production, within and across languages.